telos does not mean purpose

"It is absurd to suppose that nothing comes into being for an end if we do not see the moving cause deliberating."

Aristotle, Physics II.8.199b26-28, as translated by Francis Slade, in his "On the ontological priority of ends and its relevance to the narrative arts," in Beauty, art, and the polis, ed. Alice Ramos (Washington, DC: American Maritain Association, 2000), 59 (58-69).

Horace on the ontological priority of ends over purposes

You can throw nature out with a pitchfork, but it always comes back,
and breaking in unexpectedly is victorious over your perverse contempt.

natura expellas furca, tamen usque recurret
et mala perrumpet furtim fastidia uictrix.

Horace, Epistles I.x.24-25, as translated by Francis Slade, in his "On the ontological priority of ends and its relevance to the narrative arts," in Beauty, art, and the polis, ed. Alice Ramos (Washington, DC:  American Maritain Association, 2000), 61 (58-69).  Latin from here.

Möhler on the de-mundanization of the Church

"the confidence of the Church may not be built on earthly wealth and earthly power; so that I doubt not for a moment that wealth in inward goods would increase with a decrease in outward, and [that] the Church would be de-mundanized [(entweltlicht)] to the extent that many of its worldly goods were to fall away."

     Johann Adam Möhler, letter to Countess Sophie von Stolberg, Tübingen, 24 June 1834, as reproduced at Der Katholik:  Zeitschrift für katholische Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, 3rd ser., 33 (1906):  380, and quoted at the head of Ignaz Zangerle, "Zur Situation der Kirche [in Österreich]," Der Brenner 14 (1933/1934):  42 (42-81) (but without the subjunctives present in Der Katholik).

St. Thomas in storms

"in thunderstorms and tempests Thomas would fortify himself with the sign of the cross and say:  'God came . . . in the flesh, He died for us and rose again [(Deus in carne venit, Deus pro nobis mortuus est et resurrexit)].'"

Bernard Gui, Vita S. Thomae Aquinatis (=Fontes Vitae S. Thomae Aquinatis, ed. D. Prümmer, vol. 3, pp. 161-263), chap. 35, trans. Kenelm Foster, O.P. (The life of Saint Thomas Aquinas:  biographical documents, trans. and edited by Kenelm Foster, O.P. (London:  Longmans, Green and Co; Baltimore:  Helicon Press, 1959), 53).  Cf. Peter Calo, Vita S. Thomae Aquinatis (=Fontes Vitae S. Thomae Aquinatis, ed. D. Prümmer, vol. 1, pp. 17-55), chap. 21 (Deus in carne venit, Deus pro nobis mortuus), and especially William of Tocco, Ystoria sancti Thome de Aquino (=Fontes vitae S. Thomae Aquinatis, vol. 2, pp. 59-160), chap. 38:

Thanks to his force of soul, he feared no danger. . . .
It is said of him that as he made his way to Paris he had to suffer at sea a horrible tempest, at the hands of which even the mariners feared they would perish. And yet he showed no fear during this whole tempest. . . . In dreadful storms, thunder, and tempests, shielding himself with a sign of the cross as with a buckler he would say, 'God came in the flesh, God died for us [(Deus in carnem uenit, Deus pro nobis mortuus est)].'

Nonetheless, he certainly had reason to fear such storms.  For when he was still in early infancy, "A fearsome tempest swept suddenly down upon the castle of Roccasecca.  Lightning struck the keep, killing his sister, who slept there, as well as the horses in the stable" (William of Tocco, Ystoria, chap. 3, as reproduced in L'histoire de saint Thomas d'Aquin de Gullaume de Tocco:  traduction française du dernier état du texte (1323), avec introduction et notes par Claire le Brun-Gouanvic, Sagesses chrétiennes (Paris:  Les Éditions du Cerf, 2005), 27 (90 for chap. 38); cf., for the Latin, Fontes, vol. 2, pp. 59-160 (where it is chap. 2), and Ystoria sancti Thome de Aquino de Guillaume de Tocco (1323): édition critique, introduction et notes, ed. Claire le Brun-Gouanvic (Toronto:  Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1996), 98 (166 for chap. 38)).
     That he may have needed "fortification" is indicated by what Torrell calls "his sensitivity to pain".  Tocco says that he "was extraordinarily sensitive [(miro modo passibilis)] and [that] physical wounds did not fail to upset him."  Of an impending cauterization or blood-letting he therefore wanted to be warned, so as to be able to escape the pain by focusing in advance on an elevated subject.  These anecdotes occur in a chapter devoted to his extraordinary powers of abstraction, but this acquired "insensibility to pain" is also attributed to "a divine miracle" (Tocco, Ystoria 47; see Jean-Pierre Torrell, “Thomas d’Aquin,” Dictionnaire de spiritualité 15 (1991), col. 745 (718-773)).

No nature without grace

"those things that are natural to man are neither withdrawn from nor bestowed upon him by sin."

St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae I.98.Resp.  Cf. Jean-Pierre Torrell, O.P., "Nature et grâce chez Thomas d'Aquin," Revue thomiste 101, no. 1/2 (2001): 177 (167-202).

Which means that the "state of original justice," the phrase favored by Aquinas when discussing original sin, or "innocence," the phrase favored by Aquinas in "the treatise on the creation of the first man" (Torrell, 175), is not natural, but supernatural:

such a subjection of the body to the soul and of the lower parts to reason, was not from nature; otherwise it would have remained after sin, as Dionysius declares (Div. Nom. iv). . . . the primitive subjection by virtue of which reason was subject to God was not a merely natural gift, but a supernatural endowment of grace

(Summa theologiae I.95.1.Resp., trans. FEDP; cf. Torrell, 177-178).

human nature was established in its first beginning so that the inferior powers were perfectly subject to reason, the reason to God, the body to the soul, and God was by His grace supplying what nature lacked for this arrangement

(Summa contra Gentiles IV.52.6 (=Marietti no. 3880), trans. Charles J. O'Neil; cf. Torrell, 178).  Thus, St. Thomas rejects "the opinion of those who think that sanctifying grace is not comprised in original justice":

Original justice included sanctifying grace (gratiam gratum faciens) and I do not believe that it is true that the first man was created with his natural powers alone (in puris naturalibus)

(De malo q. 4 a.2 ad 22 (Marietti, p. 531), as reproduced at Torrell, 179, who says ad 1).

Given that original justice consists principally in the submission of the human soul to God, which cannot be firm without grace, original justice could not exist without grace

(De malo q.5 a.1 ad 13 (Marietti, p. 547), as reproduced at Torrell, 179).

On pp. 174-175 Torrell reproduces In II Sent. d.30 q.1 a.1 on the distinction between human nature "according to its natural principles alone," and human nature "as it was [actually] created (instituta)", "the concrete situation of man fresh from the [(sorti des)] hands of God" (Torrell, 175).

We forbid anyone to wage war during our war

"In the fourteenth century the kings of France, wishing to concentrate their forces against the English, called upon their barons to curtail their own feuds and vendettas:  'We forbid anyone to wage war [guerre] during our war [guerre].'"

Robert J. Bartlett, "Lords of 'pride and plunder,'" a review of The crisis of the twelfth century:  power, lordship, and the origins of European government, by Thomas N. Bisson, New York review of books 57, no. 11 (June 24, 2010):  48 (47-50), on "the worrying doubt that states and kingdoms, indeed all lawfully constituted governments, are just the most successful of the robber gangs", "the thin line between the gunslinger and the sheriff," "the poignancy of the bandit turned law officer", and so forth.  I think there can be a distinction ("Nowadays, we make a sharper distinction"), but like the quote.

Were the Tudors Tudors?

"it looks as if it was David Hume who made the term [Tudor] an indispensable part of the historian's vocabulary when, in 1757, he published his History of England under the House of Tudor.  It was Hume, too, who seems to have established the modern spelling.
"'Tudor monarchs', then, did not think of themselves as such; still less did 'Tudor subjects'. . . .
". . . one of the most familiar of English historical terms had little purchase in its own era.  We must learn to do without the Tudors."

Clifford S. L. Davies, "A rose by another name:  why we are wrong to talk about 'the Tudors,'" Times literary supplement, June 13 2008, p. 15 (14-15).

Has this been sustained?