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Robert "Darnton saw that the Enlightenment, viewed from the ground-level perspective of the S[ociété ]T[ypographique de ]N[euchâtel, 'one of the Enlightenment's most important publishing houses',] looked very different from the version of the subject then popular in universities. In the works of highly regarded scholars like Ernst Cassirer and Peter Gay, the Enlightenment was in its essence a profound revolution of the mind that liberated critical reason from the shackles of religion and rationalist philosophy. A reader properly began, and sometimes concluded, its study by following Rousseau and Kant, Hume and Montesquieu along the deepest currents of their thought. But this 'Enlightenment' was to a large extent a retrospective invention that took the works out of the social settings in which they originally circulated.
"The STN sold 'philosophical books,' but by 'philosophical' it meant something very different from what we mean today. One of its catalogs indiscriminately included, under this heading, Rousseau's Social Contract, slander-filled attacks against King Louis XV, and explicit pornography. In another early article, Darnton drew from this fact an eloquent conclusion: 'A regime that classified its most advanced philosophy with its most debased pornography was a regime that sapped itself, that dug its own underground and that encouraged philosophy to degenerate into libelle.' Whatever the High Enlightenment may have done to slowly undermine the church and state, the works of slander and pornography savagely scraped away at the reputation and legitimacy of the actual men and women who constituted France's ruling elites."
David A. Bell, "From readers to revolutionaries," The New York review of books 66, no. 11 (June 27, 2019): 66 (66-67).
"When I talk about power and the need for power, I’m talking in terms of the need for power to bring about the political and the economic changes necessary to make the good life a reality. I do not think of political power as an end. Neither do I think of economic power as an end. They are ingredients in the objective which we seek in life. And I think that end or that objective is a truly brotherly society, the creation of the beloved community."
Martin Luther King, Jr., in "The march in Mississippi," a CBS News special report dated 26 June 1966.
I am posting this for Suzanne Smith, Reference and Instruction Librarian at Multnomah University, who, with the help of Daniel Smith, Research, Instruction, and Digital Services Librarian at Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary and a special collections librarian at the University of Mississippi, tracked this to source over the listserv ATLANTIS on 7 August 2019.
The quote often appears with the following minor errors in transcription (as well as an erroneous reference to “Too Many Cooks, Too Much Spice," The Christian century 83, no. 28 (July 13, 1966): 880-881) as:
I do not think of political power as an end. Neither do I think of economic power as an end. They are ingredients in the objective that we seek in life. And I think that end of that objective is a truly brotherly society, the creation of the beloved community.
Three examples of the errors alluded to immediately above, as supplied by Suzanne:
Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 488 [two omissions and one error, correct source is listed at the end of end note 14]:
When I talk about power and the need for power, I’m talking in terms of the need for power to bring about the political and economic change necessary to make the good life a reality. I do not think of political power as an end. Neither do I think of economic power as an end. They are ingredients in the objective that we seek in life. And I think that end or that objective is a truly brotherly society, the creation of the beloved community.
King Center [wrong source and two errors, as of early August 2019]:
In a July 13, 1966 article in Christian Century Magazine, Dr. King affirmed the ultimate goal inherent in the quest for the Beloved Community: 'I do not think of political power as an end. Neither do I think of economic power as an end. They are ingredients in the objective that we seek in life. And I think that end of that objective is a truly brotherly society, the creation of the beloved community'
Baunoch, ed., Foundation Theology 2006: Faculty Essays for Ministry Professionals, p. 73 [omits “or” between “end” and “that”; also wrongly cites July 13, 1966 Christian Century article as the source in footnote 19]:
I do not think of political power as an end. Neither do I think of economic power as an end. They are ingredients in the objective that we seek in life. And I think that end, that objective is a truly brotherly society, the creation of the beloved community.
"The whole idea that Jesus—who had 'nowhere to lay his head' (Luke 9:58)—practiced 'radical hospitality' is, I think, a modern ecclesial
myth. Jesus was radically open to the
hospitality of others, but he also placed radical demands on those who wished
to follow him."
Robert MacSwain, "'The gifts of God for the people of God': some thoughts on Baptism and Eucharist," Sewanee theological review 56, no. 1 (Christmas 2012): 79 (71–84). Ruth A. Meyers, at "Who May Be Invited to the Table?," Anglican Theological Review 94, no. 2 (Spr 2012): 238 (233–44), cites Andrew McGowan, "The Meals of Jesus and the Meals of the Church: Eucharistic Origins and Admission to Communion," in Studia liturgica diversa: essays in
honor of Paul F. Bradshaw, ed. Maxwell E. Johnson and L. Edward Phillips (Portland, OR: Pastoral Press, 2004), 107, 101-115 (which I have not consulted).
